Contributions to Contemporary History 2019-01-04T10:47:22+00:00 Jure Gašparič, PhD Open Journal Systems <p><em>Contributions to Contemporary History</em> is one of the central Slovenian scientific historiographic journals, dedicated to publishing articles from the field of contemporary history (the 19th and 20th century).</p> <p>It has been published regularly since 1960 by the <a title="Institute of Contemporary History" href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Institute of Contemporary History</a>, and until 1986 it was entitled Contributions to the History of the Workers' Movement.</p> <p>The journal is published three times per year in Slovenian and in the following foreign languages: English, German, Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian, Italian, Slovak and Czech. The articles are all published with abstracts in English and Slovenian as well as summaries in English.</p> <p>The archive of past volumes is available at the <a title="History of Slovenia - SIstory" href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>History of Slovenia - SIstory</strong></a> web portal.</p> <p><strong>The printed version of the journal</strong> is available at the Institute of Contemporary History, in humanities literature bookstores and through the Institute website (publications &gt;&gt; <a title="Publications Ordering" href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Publications Ordering</a>).</p> <p>Further information and guidelines for the authors are available <a title="Informacije za avtorje" href="/index.php/pnz/about/submissions#authorGuidelines" target="_self">here</a>.</p> <p><a title="Ethical Principles" href="/pnz/ethics" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ethical Principles</a>.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Titoism, dissidents and culture of dissent 2018-12-28T12:31:55+00:00 Albert Bing <p><strong>Abstract:</strong> The paper deals with the issue of Yugoslav dissidents with regard to the system of governance and the functioning of the state led by Josip Broz Tito. In the wider context the role of critical intelligence - a&nbsp;culture of dissent - is analyzed within distinctive Yugoslav frameworks. The paper includes a shorter overview of the particularity of Yugoslav dissidents, above all the differences in their perceptions, type of criticism, their mutual relations - as the opponents to the regime, and different destinies of individuals. Special emphasis was put on the West's position of Yugoslav dissidents which differed considerably in comparison with dissidents from the Soviet Union and other states of real socialism.</p> 2018-12-20T08:46:10+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## The Student Movement 1968/1971 in Ljubljana in wider context 2018-12-28T12:31:55+00:00 Zdenko Čepič <p><em>ABSTRACT</em></p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <em>In 1968, during the political events of this year ("Prague Spring" and its end, US presidential elections, protests against the war in Vietnam, ...) significant student protests.&nbsp;They were all over Europe, the most intense in Paris.&nbsp;They were also in Yugoslavia, in Belgrade (early June).&nbsp;In Ljubljana, students in their protests were more socially oriented than political.&nbsp;More political occurred in students' protests in Ljubljana were in April and May 1971, when the Faculty of Arts students</em> <em>took over for eight days.&nbsp;The author presents the work of students in Ljubljana in 1968 and 1971 on the basis of the documents of the Slovenian student movement.</em></p> 2018-12-13T08:42:27+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Maks Samec and his adapting to academic standards after World War II 2018-12-28T12:31:56+00:00 Željko Oset <p><em>The paper at hand deals with the academic career of Maks Samec (1881-1964) after World War II. Samec lost his habilitation upon the »purge« at the University of Ljubljana in August of 1945, but was offered a second chance as an irreplaceable scientist – he became the founder of the newly established Institute of Chemistry at the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SASA). He has earned numerous recognitions and state decorations for his work. At the institute, he strived to apply his academic standards, but was not entirely successful, which was also a consequence of administrative reforms and changes to research policy in the 1950s.</em></p> 2018-12-20T08:46:55+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Milovan Đilas and the British Labour Party, 1950-1960 2018-12-28T12:31:56+00:00 Mateja Režek <p><em>The article deals with Milovan Đilas’ political transformation presented through an analysis of his connections with the British Labourites, and with the reaction of the Labour Party to the Đilas Affair. After the dispute with the Cominform, Yugoslav leaders tried to initiate alternative international contacts through Western socialist and social democratic parties, considering the most suitable partner the British Labour Party. Official contacts with the latter were established in 1950, the key role in the dialogue with the British Labourites played by the head of the Commission for International Relations, Milovan Đilas. In the aftermath of the Đilas Affair, the once warm relations between the British Labourites and Yugoslav Communists grew rather cool, but the leadership of the Labour Party did not wish to compromise their relations with Yugoslavia, and therefore reacted to it with considerable wariness. Although Yugoslavia remained an authoritarian state under the leadership of the Communist Party, in the eyes of the West it continued to represent a significant factor in the destabilisation of the Eastern Bloc, and the friendly relationship between the Labour Party and the Yugoslav Communists were primarily based on foreign policy interests of the two parties. In the second half of the 1950s, the relationship between the Labour Party and the Yugoslav Communists rested, even more than before, on pragmatic geopolitical consideration and not on ideological affinity; the interest of the British Labourites in the Yugoslav self-management experiment decreased significantly, as did the Yugoslav interest in democratic socialism, the idea that Đilas was so passionate about.</em></p> 2018-12-20T08:47:08+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Jože Pučnik on a Path to Becoming a Dissident 2018-12-28T12:31:57+00:00 Aleš Gabrič <p><em>Primer obračuna z Revijo 57 konec 50-ih let je bil eden najbolj razvpitih sporov slovenskih komunistov z mlajšo generacijo intelektualcev, ki so po drugi svetovni vojni oblikovali svoj svetovni nazor. Jože Pučnik je med somišljeniki, ki so pozornost pritegnili s svojo ostrino, še posebej izstopal. Že med študijem je v svojih člankih v Reviji 57 kritiziral režim. V najbolj spornem članku je analiziral razhajanja med idejami vladajoče elite in realnostjo ter med miselnostjo in delom komunistov dve desetletji prej, ko so delovali nezakonito, in po vojni, ko so se utrdili na oblasti. Konec leta 1958 in v začetku 1959 je bila Revija 57 večkrat tarča kritik vodilnih politikov in tema številnih sej visokih organov. Politiki so neprestano ponavljali, da gre za skupino mlajših intelektualcev, ki da je snovala ilegalno sovražno organizacijo, širila protidržavno propagando in đilasovstvo, pozivala delavce k štrajku itd. Višek obračuna je bilo sojenju Pučniku 30. marca 1959, v katerem je bil obsojen na devet let hude zaporne kazni.</em></p> 2018-12-25T18:32:21+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Većeslav Holjevac - Forgotten Dissident 2018-12-28T12:31:57+00:00 Josip Mihaljević <p>Croatian politician Većeslav Holjevac (1917-1970) has been remembered as one of the most successful mayors of the city of Zagreb. However, his character and political work are scarcely known to the public today. His merits in the cultural sphere are mostly forgotten, as well as the fact that he was one of the most important Croatian dissidents. His case delineates the issue of the Croatian national reform movement known as the Croatian Spring. Due to his solid character he was not afraid to defend his standpoints, even in the fights with communist comrades who were higher in the hierarchy of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which caused his political decline. The article presents the critical moments of his dissent and political disagreement with his comrades that led him to the role of the party renegade. The article also discusses the claims that Holjevac's was to become the leader of the Croatian Spring.</p> 2018-12-13T08:43:20+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Journal Istarski Borac/IBOR in the Context of the Culture of Dissent 2018-12-28T12:31:57+00:00 Lidija Bencetić <p><em>The first Croatian youth journal Istarski borac/IBOR was published in Pula from 1953 to 1979 (with two minor interruptions). The journal was published by the Istarski Borac Literary Club with the objective of preserving the Croatian language in Istria. The journal developed a reputation as a critical media in the 1970s, covering more and more cultural, local and social themes whose tone was not well-received by the socialist authorities, so the financing of the journal was cancelled in 1979 after which it ceased publication. The reason for the suspension of the journal was the poem »Please Master« by Allen Ginsberg, but the party documents reveal that the motive was also political. The question this article is trying to answer is whether the work of the last editorial board of Istarski borac/IBOR can be considered a culture of dissent?</em></p> 2018-12-20T08:47:21+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## The Contours of Social Criticism in Late-Socialist Slovenia 2018-12-28T12:31:57+00:00 Jure Ramšak <p>Self-management socialism displayed ambiguities and vagueness in handling social controversy and public life in general, giving rise to numerous peculiarities particular to this social phenomenon in Yugoslavia. While a Leninist interpretation of democracy in socialism constituted the background of Edvard Kardelj’s recipe for “socially responsible criticism,” Yugoslavia and Slovenia were at the same time under the influence of western liberal concepts. Considering the political and ideological contexts of late socialism, the article discusses the systemic way of dealing with social criticism between the late 1960s and the mid-1980s, while trying to determine the impact of these circumstances on the subsequent evolvement of democratisation. Prior to the major social shifts of the second half of the 1980s, the “pluralism of self-management interests” could be articulated in practice primarily in a way that did not force it into competition with the Party. In those cases when this nevertheless occurred, the leading political establishment preferred to leave it to its “proxies” to deal with the transgressors, while itself taking on arbitrary positions that displayed some of the key features of the late-socialist regime in Slovenia.</p> 2018-12-13T08:43:37+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Report prepared by the Minister of Internal Affairs of the People’s Republic of Slovenia Boris Kraigher at the meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovenia on 9 March 1950 2018-12-28T12:31:58+00:00 Nevenka Troha 2018-12-13T08:42:54+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Workshop: Parliamentarianism and Representative Democracy in Crisis of War, Revolution, and Collapse of Empires, 2 October 2018, St. Petersburg 2018-12-28T12:31:58+00:00 Verena Mink 2018-12-13T08:43:07+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Andrej Rahten. Med Kakanijo in Wilsonio : poklicne in politične preizkušnje Hansa Schwegla alias Ivana Švegla 2019-01-04T10:47:22+00:00 Aleš Gabrič 2018-12-20T08:45:15+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Bogo Zupančič, Plečnikovi študenti in drugi jugoslovanski arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju. Ljubljana: Muzej za arhitekturo in oblikovanje (MAO): KUD Polis, 2017, 232 strani 2018-12-28T12:31:58+00:00 Mojca Šorn 2018-12-13T08:42:42+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##